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Significance of Multilingualism and Lexical Variation in Ethnobiological Inventories

How does multilingualism influence ethnobiological knowledge?

What role does lexical variation play?

What are the patterns and social factors involved?

These are some of the questions explored for my PhD research.

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Over the course of many months, I endeavored to understand how people who speak multiple languages name and conceptualize plants and animals. In Nyanjida, a small, rural village in Cameroon, people depend daily on plants and animals for food, medicine, building materials, and beyond, making their ethnobiological knowledge and lexicon quite extensive. I focused on five of the more common languages in the village to examine the significance of multilingualism and nature of lexical variation in ethnobiological inventories. I also assessed the multivariate social and linguistic factors contributing to variation and the vitality of multilingualism.

For more details, check out my thesis* abstract.

*Yea, I did my degrees in England, so rolling with their switching of dissertation and thesis.

Small-scale multilingualism

Small-scale multilingualism is a specific, under-researched type of multilingualism characterized by dense coding mixing, indexical and heteroglossic language practices, and absence of monolingualism, where children are socialized into multilingualism from birth. Language practices are not governed by domain specialization or language hierarchies, but by multivariate social factors. Communication occurs within a defined geographic setting. ​

A vignette to give you an example:

Nyanjida drawn by Georje

Nyanjida drawn by Georje

Introducing Diza, a 10-year-old girl living in Nyanjida. Her parents primarily self-identify as Vute speakers, although of different mutually intelligible dialects. She begins her day at her mother’s house, greeting her family in Vute before spending the day with her grandparents, a common practice for language and sociocultural transmission. They possess individualized, asymmetric repertoires, each comprised of at least 5 languages. Diza’s grandmother is Gbaya, from another village; she will converse in Gbaya while her Vute husband responds in Vute, practicing receptive multilingualism. Diza will use both languages in conversation. Her grandmother may send her on an errand to a nearby Fulfulde-speaking village, where she will speak a more formal register of Fulfulde, different from the Fulfulde register she uses with nomadic Fulfulde speakers. On her way, she will pass through a Gbaya village, greeting people in several languages, with attention to formal and informal registers. She attends school, with French as the strictly enforced language of instruction. On the playground, she listens and converses in a variety of languages with varying typological proximities, dialects, and registers. In the village, Diza plays an interstitial role between older and younger speakers; her social responsibilities equip her with a diverse linguistic repertoire comprised of not only her dialects of Vute, Gbaya, and Fulfulde, but also a continuum of dialects and registers in those languages through exposure to a wide-ranging social network. Diza also spends time in her father’s village, where she is exposed to various other Vute dialects and linguistic ecology. She and her four siblings each have very individual repertoires dependent on having different fathers and relatives with distinct repertoires, and in conversations with each other will access features from all languages in their repertoires.

A few fieldwork pics

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